Periyar was born in
Erode,
Madras Presidency to a wealthy family of
Balijas.
[5][6][7] At a young age, he witnessed numerous incidents of caste and gender discrimination.
[5] Periyar married when he was 19, and had a daughter who lived for only 5 months. His first wife, Nagammai, died in 1933.
[8] Periyar married for a second time in July 1948.
[9] His second wife, Maniammai, continued Periyar's social work after his death in 1973, but still his thoughts and ideas were being spread by Dravidar Kazhagam.
[10]
Periyar joined the
Indian National Congress in 1919, but resigned in 1925 when he felt that the party was only serving the interests of the
Brahmins.
[11][12] In 1924, Periyar participated in a non-violent agitation (
satyagraha) in
Vaikom, Kerala. From 1929 to 1932 toured British Malaya, Europe, and Russia, which had an influence on him.
[13] In 1939, Periyar became the head of the
Justice Party,
[14] and in 1944, he changed its name to
Dravidar Kazhagam.
[15] The party later split and one group led by
C. N. Annadurai formed the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in 1949.
[15] While continuing the Self-Respect Movement, he advocated for an independent
Dravida Nadu (
Dravidistan).
[16]
Periyar propagated the principles of
rationalism,
self-respect,
women’s rightsand eradication of
caste. He opposed the
exploitation and
marginalisation of the non-Brahmin Dravidian people of
South India and the imposition of what he considered
Indo-Aryan India. His work has greatly revolutionised the Tamil society and has significantly removed caste-based discrimination. He is also responsible for bringing new changes to the Tamil alphabet. The citation awarded by the
UNESCO described Periyar as "the prophet of the new age, the Socrates of South East Asia, father of social reform movement and arch enemy of ignorance, superstitions, meaningless customs and base manners."
[17]
Biography[edit]
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Early years[edit]
Periyar was born as Erode Venkata Ramasami on 17 September 1879, in the town of Erode, then a part of the Coimbatore District of the
Madras Presidency.
[18] Periyar's father, a rich businessman, was Venkatappa Naidu (or Venkata), and his mother was Chinna Thayammal, alias Muthammal. He had one elder brother named Krishnaswamy and two sisters named Kannamma and Ponnuthoy.
[1][18] He later came to be known as "Periyar" meaning 'respected one' or 'elder' in
Tamil.
[1]
[30][31][32] Periyar attended school for five years after which he joined his father's trade at the age of 12. He used to listen to Tamil
Vaishnavite guruswho gave discourses in his house enjoying his father's hospitality. At a young age, he began questioning the apparent contradictions in the
Hindu mythological stories.
[1] As Periyar grew, he felt that people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and therefore took it as one of his duties in life to warn people against superstitions and priests.
[33]
Periyar's father arranged for his wedding when he was nineteen. The bride, Nagammai, was only thirteen. Despite having an
arranged marriage, Periyar and Nagammai were already in love with each other. Nagammai actively supported her husband in his later public activities and
agitations. Two years after their marriage, a daughter was born to them. However, their daughter died when she was five months old. The couple had no more children.
[8]
Kasi Pilgrimage Incident[edit]
In 1904, Periyar went on a pilgrimage to
Kasi to visit the revered
Siva temple of
Kashi Vishwanath.
[1][34] Though regarded as one of the holiest sites of
Hinduism, he witnessed immoral activities such as begging, and floating dead bodies.
[1] His frustrations extended to functional Hinduism in general when he experienced what he called
Brahmanic exploitation.
[35]
However, one particular incident in Kasi had a profound impact on Periyar's ideology and future work. At the worship site there were free meals offered to guests. To Periyar's shock, he was refused meals at choultries, which exclusively fed
Brahmins. Due to extreme hunger, Periyar felt compelled to enter one of the eateries disguised as a Brahmin with a
sacred thread on his bare chest, but was betrayed by his moustache. The gatekeeper at the temple concluded that Periyar was not a Brahmin, as Brahmins were not permitted by the Hindu
shastras to have moustaches. He not only prevented Periyar's entry but also pushed him rudely into the street.
[1]
As his hunger became intolerable, Periyar was forced to feed on leftovers from the streets. Around this time, he realised that the eatery which had refused him entry was built by a wealthy non-Brahmin from
South India.
[1] This discriminatory attitude dealt a blow to Periyar's regard for Hinduism, for the events he had witnessed at Kasi were completely different from the picture of
Kasi he had in mind, as a holy place which welcomed all.
[1] Ramasami was a
theist till his visit to
Kasi, after which his views changed and he became an
atheist.
[36]
Member of Congress Party (1919–1925)[edit]
Periyar joined the
Indian National Congress in 1919 after quitting his business and resigning from public posts. He held the chairmanship of Erode Municipality and wholeheartedly undertook constructive programs spreading the use of
Khadi, picketing toddy shops, boycotting shops selling foreign cloth, and eradicating
untouchability. In 1921, Periyar courted imprisonment for picketing toddy shops in Erode. When his wife as well as his sister joined the agitation, it gained momentum, and the administration was forced to come to a compromise. He was again arrested during the
Non-Cooperation movement and the
Temperance movement.
[11] In 1922, Periyar was elected the President of the
Madras Presidency Congress Committee during the
Tirupur session, where he advocated strongly for reservation in government jobs and education. His attempts were defeated in the Congress party due to a strong presence of discrimination and
indifference, which led to him leaving the party in 1925.
[12]
Vaikom Satyagraha (1924–1925)[edit]
In Vaikom, a small town in Kerala state, then
Travancore, there were strict laws of
untouchability in and around the temple area.
Dalits, also known as
Harijans were not allowed into the close streets around and leading to the temple, let alone inside it. Anti-caste feelings were growing and in 1924 Vaikom was chosen as a suitable place for an organised
Satyagraha. Under his guidance a movement had already begun with the aim of giving all castes the right to enter the temples. Thus, agitations and demonstrations took place. On the fourteenth of April, Periyar and his wife Nagamma arrived in Vaikom. They were immediately arrested and imprisoned for participation. In spite of Gandhi's objection to non-Keralites and non-Hindus taking part, Periyar and his followers continued to give support to the movement till it was withdrawn. He received the title
Vaikom Veeran, given by his followers who participated in the
Satyagraha.
[37][38][39]
The way in which the
Vaikom Satyagraha events have been recorded provides a clue to the image of the respective organisers. In an article entitle
Gandhi and Ambedkar, A Study in Leadership,
Eleanor Zelliot relates the 'Vaikom Satyagraha' including Gandhi's negotiations with the temple authorities in relation to the event. Furthermore, the editor of Periyar's
Thoughts states that Brahmins purposely suppressed news about Periyar's participation. A leading Congress magazine
Young India in its extensive reports on Vaikom never mentions Periyar.
[35]
Self-Respect Movement[edit]
Periyar and his followers campaigned constantly to influence and pressure the government to take measures to remove social inequality, even while other nationalist forerunners focused on the struggle for political independence. The Self-Respect Movement was described from the beginning as "dedicated to the goal of giving non-Brahmins a sense of pride based on their Dravidian past".
[40]
In 1952, the Periyar Self-Respect Movement Institution was registered with a list of objectives of the institution from which may be quoted as
for the diffusion of useful knowledge of
political education; to allow people to live a life of freedom from slavery to anything against reason and
self respect; to do away with needless customs, meaningless ceremonies, and blind
superstitious beliefs in society; to put an end to the present social system in which
caste, religion, community and traditional occupations based on the accident of birth, have chained the mass of the people and created "superior" and "inferior" classes... and to give people equal rights; to completely eradicate untouchability and to establish a united society based on
brother/
sisterhood; to give
equal rights to women; to prevent
child marriages and marriages based on law favourable to one sect, to conduct and encourage love marriages, widow marriages, inter caste and inter-religious marriages and to have the marriages registered under the
Civil Law; and to establish and maintain
homes for orphans and widows and to run educational institutions.
[34]
Propagation of the philosophy of
self respect became the full-time activity of Periyar since 1925. A Tamil weekly
Kudi Arasustarted in 1925, while the English journal
Revolt started in 1928 carried on the propaganda among the English educated people.
[41] The
Self-Respect Movement began to grow fast and received the sympathy of the heads of the Justice Party from the beginning. In May 1929, a conference of Self-Respect Volunteers was held at Pattukkotai under the
presidency of S. Guruswami. K.V. Alagiriswami took charge as the head of the volunteer band. Conferences followed in succession throughout the
Tamil districts of the former Madras Presidency. A training school in Self-Respect was opened at Erode, the home town of Periyar. The object was not just to introduce social reform but to bring about a
social revolution to foster a new spirit and build a new society.
[42]
International travel (1929–1932)[edit]
Between 1929 and 1935, under the strain of
World Depression, political thinking worldwide received a jolt from the spread of international communism.
[13] Indian political parties, movements and considerable sections of leadership were also affected by inter-continental ideologies. The Self-Respect Movement also came under the influence of the leftist philosophies and institutions. Periyar, after establishing the
Self-Respect Movement as an independent institution, began to look for ways to strengthen it politically and socially. To accomplish this, he studied the history and politics of different countries, and personally observed these systems at work.
[13]
Periyar toured
Malaya for a month, from December 1929 to January 1930, to propagate the
self-respect philosophy. Embarking on his journey from
Nagapattinam with his wife Nagammal and his followers, Periyar was received by 50,000
Tamil Malaysians in
Penang. During the same month, he inaugurated the Tamils Conference, convened by the Tamils Reformatory Sangam in
Ipoh, and then went to Singapore. In December 1931 he undertook a tour of Europe, accompanied by S. Ramanathan and Erode Ramu, to personally acquaint himself with their
political systems,
social movements, way of life, economic and
social progress and administration of public bodies. He visited Egypt, Greece, Turkey, Russia, Germany, England, Spain, France and Portugal, staying in Russia for three months. On his return journey he halted at
Ceylon and returned to India in November 1932.
[13]
The tour shaped the
political ideology of Periyar to achieve the
social concept of Self-Respect. The communist system obtained in Russia appealed to him as appropriately suited to deal with the social ills of the country. Thus, on
socio-economic issues Periyar was
Marxist, but he did not advocate for abolishing
private ownership.
[43] Immediately after his return, Periyar, in alliance with the enthusiastic communist, M. Singaravelu Chettiar, began to work out a
socio-politicalscheme incorporating socialist and self-respect ideals. This marked a crucial stage of development in the
Self-Respect Movement which got politicised and found its compatibility in Tamil Nadu.
[13]
Opposition to Hindi[edit]
During the same year, the slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamilians"
[46] was first raised by Periyar in protest against the introduction of Hindi in schools. He explained that the introduction of Hindi was a dangerous mechanism used by the Aryans to infiltrate Dravidian culture.
[46] He reasoned that the adoption of Hindi would make Tamils subordinate to the Hindi speaking
North Indians. Periyar explained that Hindi would not only halt the progress of Tamil people, but would also completely destroy their culture and nullify the progressive ideas that had been successfully inculcated through Tamil in the recent decades.
[47]
As President of the Justice Party (1938–1944)[edit]
A political party known as the
South Indian Libertarian Federation (commonly referred to as
Justice Party) was founded in 1916, principally to oppose the economic and political power of the Brahmin groups. The party's goal was to render
social justice to the non-Brahmin groups. To gain the support of the masses, non-Brahmin politicians began propagating an ideology of equality among non-Brahmin castes. Brahmanical priesthood and
Sanskritic social class-value hierarchy were blamed for the existence of
inequalities among non-Brahmin
caste groups.
[50]
In 1937, when the government required that Hindi be taught in the school system, Periyar organised opposition through the
Justice Party to this policy. After 1937, the
Dravidian movement derived considerable support from the student community. In later years, opposition to Hindi played a big role in the
politics of Tamil Nadu. The fear of the Hindi language had its origin in the conflict between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. To the
Tamils, acceptance of Hindi in the school system was a form of bondage. When the
Justice Party weakened in the absence of mass support, Periyar took over the leadership of the party after being jailed for opposing Hindi in 1939.
[14] Under his tutelage the party prospered, but the party's conservative members, most of whom were rich and educated, withdrew from active participation.
[50]
Dravidar Kazhagam (1944–onwards)[edit]
Formation of the Dravidar Kazhagam[edit]
At a rally in 1944, Periyar, in his capacity as the leader of the Justice Party, declared that the party would henceforth be known as the
Dravidar Kazhagam, or "Dravidian Association". However, a few who disagreed with Periyar started a splinter group, claiming to be the original Justice Party. This party was led by veteran Justice Party leader
P. T. Rajan and survived till 1957.
The
Dravidar Kazhagam came to be well known among the urban communities and students. Villages were influenced by its message. Hindi, and ceremonies that had become associated with Brahmanical priesthood, were identified as alien symbols that should be eliminated from Tamil culture. Brahmins, who were regarded as the guardians of such symbols, came under verbal attack.
[15] From 1949 onwards, the
Dravidar Kazhagam intensified social reformist work and put forward the fact that superstitions were the cause for the degeneration of Dravidians. The
Dravidar Kazhagam vehemently fought for the abolition of untouchability amongst the
Dalits. It also focused its attention on the
liberation of women,
women's education, willing marriage, widow marriage,
orphanages and mercy homes.
[51]
Split with Annadurai[edit]
In 1949, Periyar's chief lieutenant,
Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai, established a separate association called the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), or Dravidian Advancement Association.
[15] This was due to differences between the two, where Periyar advocated a separate independent Dravidian or Tamil state, while Annadurai compromised with the Delhi government combined with claims of increased state independence.
[52] Periyar was convinced that individuals and movements that undertake the task of eradicating the social evils in the Indian sub-continent have to pursue the goal with devotion and dedication without deviating from the path and with uncompromising zeal. Thus, if they contest elections aiming to assume political power, they would lose vigour and sense of purpose. But among his followers, there were those who had a different view, wanting to enter into politics and have a share in running the government. They were looking for an opportunity to part with Periyar.
[citation needed] Thus, when Periyar married Maniammai on 9 July 1948, they quit the
Dravidar Kazhagam, stating that Periyar set a bad example by marrying a young woman that too his foster child in his old age – he was 70 and she 30. Those who parted company with Periyar joined the DMK.
[9] Though the DMK split from the
Dravidar Kazhagam, the organisation made efforts to carry on Periyar's Self-Respect Movement to villagers and urban students. The DMK advocated the thesis that the Tamil language was much richer than
Sanskrit and
Hindi in content, and thus was a key which opened the door to subjects to be learned.
[15] The
Dravidar Kazhagam continued to counter Brahminism, Indo-Aryan propaganda, and uphold the Dravidians' right of
self-determination.
[53]
Later years[edit]
Periyar Thidal at Vepery, where Periyar's body was buried.
In 1956, despite warnings from
P. Kakkan, the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee, Periyar organised a procession to the Marina to burn pictures of the Hindu God Rama.
[54] Periyar was subsequently arrested and confined to prison.
[54]
The activities of Periyar continued when he went to Bangalore in 1958 to participate in the All India Official Language Conference. There he stressed the need to retain English as the Union Official Language instead of Hindi. Five years later, Periyar travelled to North India to advocate the eradication of the caste system. Nearing Periyar's last years, an award was given to him by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and it was presented to him by the Union Education Minister, Triguna Sen in Madras (Chennai), on 27 June 1970. In his last meeting at
Thiagaraya Nagar, Chennai on 19 December 1973, Periyar declared a call for action to gain social equality and a dignified way of life. On 24 December 1973, Periyar died at the age of 94.
[9]
Principles and legacy[edit]
Periyar spent over fifty years giving speeches, propagating the realisation that everyone is an equal citizen and the differences on basis of caste and creeds were man-made to keep the innocent and ignorant as underdogs in the society. Although Periyar's speeches were targeted towards the illiterate and more mundane mass, scores of educated people were also swayed.
[55] Periyar viewed reasoning as a special tool. According to him, all were blessed with his tool but very few used it. Thus Periyar used reasoning, with respect to subjects of social interest, in his presentations to his audience.
[55]Communal differences in
Tamil society were considered by many to be deep-rooted features until Periyar came to the scene.
[56] Cho Ramaswamy remarked in
India Today: + −
"Periyar was accepted and acclaimed as the leader by a significant section of the Tamil population in spite of all his contempt for Tamil and disdain for Tamils only because he was perceived to be a genuine individual, a rarity among those in public life. There was no shade of hypocrisy in him and he never attempted sophistry while propounding his social philosophy."
Rationalism[edit]
Articles related to
Periyar
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The bedrock of Periyar’s principles and the movements that he started was rationalism. He thought that an insignificant
minority in society was
exploiting the
majority and trying to keep it in a subordinate position forever. He wanted the exploited to sit up and think about their position, and use their reason to realise that they were being exploited by a handful of people. If they started thinking, they would realise that they were human beings like the rest, that birth did not and should not endow superiority over others and that they must awaken themselves and do everything possible to improve their own lot.
[55]
Likewise, Periyar explained that wisdom lies in thinking and that the spear-head of thinking is rationalism. On
caste, he stated that no other living being harms or degrades its own class. But man, said to be a
rational living being, does these evils. The differences, hatred, enmity, degradation, poverty, and wickedness, now prevalent in the society are due to lack of wisdom and rationalism and not due to God or the cruelty of time. EVR Periyar had written in his books and magazines dozens of times of various occasions that the British rule is better than self-rule
[58]
Periyar also blamed the capitalists for their control of machineries, creating difficulties to the workers. According to his philosophy, rationalism, which has to lead the way for peaceful life to all, had resulted in causing poverty and worries to the people because of dominating forces. He stated that there is no use of simply acquiring titles or amassing wealth if one has no self-respect and
scientific knowledge. An example he gave was the West sending messages to the planets, while the
Tamil society in India were sending rice and cereals to their dead forefathers through the Brahmins.
[58]
In a message to the Brahmin community, Periyar stated, "in the name of god, religion, and sastras you have duped us. We were the ruling people. Stop this life of cheating us from this year. Give room for rationalism and humanism".
[59] He added that "any opposition not based on rationalism, science, or experience will one day or another, reveal the fraud, selfishness, lies and conspiracies".
[59]
Self-respect[edit]
Periyar's philosophy of self-respect was based on his image of an ideal world and a universally accepted one. His philosophy preaches that human actions should be based on rational thinking. Further, the outcome of the natural instinct of human beings is to examine every object and every action and even nature with a spirit of inquiry, and to refuse to submit to anything irrational as equivalent to slavery. Thus, the philosophy of self-respect taught that human actions should be guided by reason, right and wrong should follow from
rational thinking and conclusions drawn from reason should be respected under circumstances. Freedom means respect to thoughts and actions considered 'right' by human beings on the basis of 'reason'. There is not much difference between 'freedom' and 'self-respect'.
[60]
Periyar's foremost appeal to people was to develop self-respect. He preached that the Brahmins had monopolised and cheated other communities for decades and deprived them of self-respect. He stated that most Brahmins claimed to belong to a "superior" community with the reserved privilege of being in charge of temples and performing
archanas. He felt that they were trying to reassert their control over religion by using their superior caste status to claim the exclusive privilege to touch idols or enter the sanctum sanctorum.
[56]
Women’s rights[edit]
As a
rationalist and ardent social reformer, Periyar advocated forcefully throughout his life that women should be given their legitimate position in society as the equals of men and that they should be given good education and have the
right to property. He thought age and social customs was not a bar in marrying women. He was keen that women should realise their rights and be worthy citizens of their country.
[61]
Periyar fought against the orthodox traditions of marriage as suppression of women in Tamil Nadu and throughout the Indian sub-continent. Though
arranged marriages were meant to enable a couple to live together throughout life, it was manipulated to
enslave women.
[62] Much worse was the practice of child marriages practised throughout India at the time. Periyar married Maniammai who is 40 years younger than him though. It was believed that it would be a sin to marry after puberty.
[63] Another practice, which is prevalent today, is the
dowry system where the bride's family is supposed to give the husband a huge payment for the bride. The purpose of this was to assist the newly wedded couple financially, but in many instances dowries were misused by bridegrooms. The outcome of this abuse turned to the exploitation of the bride's parents wealth, and in certain circumstances, lead to
dowry deaths.
[64] There have been hundreds of thousands of cases where wives have been murdered, mutilated, and burned alive because the father of the bride was unable to make the dowry payment to the husband. Periyar fiercely stood up against this abuse meted out against women.
[65]
Women in India also did not have rights to their families' or husbands' property. Periyar fought fiercely for this and also advocated for the women to have the right to separate or divorce their husbands under reasonable circumstances.
[65] While
birth control remained taboo in society of Periyar's time, he advocated for it not only for the health of women and population control, but for the
liberation of women.
[59]
He criticised the hypocrisy of
chastity for women and argued that it should also either belong to men, or not at all for both individuals.
[66] While fighting against this, Periyar advocated to get rid of the
Devadasi system. In his view it was an example of a list of degradations of women attaching them to temples for the entertainment of others, and as temple prostitutes.
[67]As a further liberation of women, Periyar pushed for the right of women to have an education and to join the
armed servicesand the police force.
[66][68]
According to biographer M.D. Gopalakrishnan, Periyar and his movement achieved a better status for women in
Tamil society. Periyar held that in matters of education and employment there should be no difference between men and women. Gopalakrishnan states that Periyar's influence in the
State departments and even the Center made it possible for women to join police departments and the army. Periyar also spoke out against
child marriage.
[56]
Social reform and eradication of caste[edit]
Periyar wanted thinking people to see their society as far from perfect and in urgent need of reform. He wanted the government, the political parties and social workers to identify the evils in society and boldly adopt measures to remove them.
[69] Periyar's philosophy did not differentiate social and political service.
[70] According to him, the first duty of a government is to run the social organisation efficiently, and the philosophy of religion was to organise the social system. Periyar stated that while Christian and
Islamic religions were fulfilling this role, the Hindu religion remained totally unsuitable for
social progress. He argued that the government was not for the people, but, in a "topsy-turvy" manner, the people were for the government. He attributed this situation to the state of the
social system contrived for the advantage of a small group of people.
[70]
One of the areas of Periyar's focus was on the upliftment of rural communities. In a booklet called
Village Uplift, Periyar pled for rural reform. At that time rural India still formed the largest part of the Indian subcontinent, in spite of the ongoing process of urbanisation. Thus, the distinction between rural and urban had meant an economic and social degradation for rural inhabitants. Periyar wanted to eradicate the concept of "village" as a discrimination word among places, just as the concept of "outcast" among social groups. Periyar advocated for a location where neither the name nor the situation or its conditions imply differences among people.
[71] He further advocated for the modernisation of villages by providing public facilities such as schools, libraries, radio stations, roads, bus transport, and police stations.
[72]
Periyar felt that a small number of cunning people created
caste distinctions to dominate over society, so he emphasised that individuals must first develop self-respect and learn to analyse propositions rationally. According to Periyar, a self-respecting
rationalist would readily realise that caste system had been stifling self-respect and therefore he or she would strive to get rid of this menace.
[73]
Periyar stated that the caste system in south India is, due to Indo-Aryan influence, linked with the arrival of Brahmins from the
north. Ancient
Tamil Nadu (part of
Tamilakkam) had a different stratification of society in four or five regions (
Tinai), determined by natural surroundings and adequate means of living.
[74] Periyar also argued that birds, animals, and worms, which are considered to be devoid of rationalism do not create castes, or differences of high and low in their own species. But man, considered to be a rational being, was suffering from these because of religion and discrimination.
[75]
Ideals and criticisms[edit]
Periyar's political ideal was to nullify the effect of perceived Brahmin power in favour of a Shudra power. The basis of this strategy was the assumed truth of the
Aryan Invasion Theory or Dravidian theory (they are not necessarily the same), which viewed the Indian demography along racial dimensions—the Aryan North and the Dravidian South. Thus, the political ideal was a mix of
casteism and racism.
[citation needed]
Periyar's opponents accused him of attacking Hinduism and the Brahmin community. But his was targeted against Brahminism and not Brahmins, and the manipulation of Hinduism and not Hinduism as a faith.
Periyar was listed amongst the
top 100 most influential people amongst Tamil society of the 20th century.
[9]
Tamil language and writing[edit]
Periyar claimed that
Tamil,
Telugu,
Malayalam, and
Kannada came from the same mother language of
Old Tamil. He explained that the Tamil language is called by four different names since it is spoken in four different Dravidian states. Nevertheless, current understanding of
Dravidian languages contains statements contradicting such claims. For example, the currently known classification of
Dravidian languages provides the following distinct classes: Southern (including Tamil–Kannada (Malayalam) and Tulu); Central (including Telugu–Kui and Kolami–Parji); and, Northern (including Kurukh–Malto and Brahui). Additionally, statements on the presence of evidence for linking
Dravidian languages and Indo-European languages are available.
With relation to writing, Periyar stated that using the Tamil script about the arts, which are useful to the people in their life and foster knowledge, talent and courage, and propagating them among the masses, will enlighten the people. Further, he explained that it will enrich the language, and thus it can be regarded as a zeal for Tamil.
[76] Periyar also stated that if words of North Indian origin (Sanskrit) are removed from Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam, only Tamil will be left. On the Brahmin usage of Tamil, he stated how the Tamil spoken by the
Andhras and the
Malayalee peoples was far better than the Tamil spoken by the Brahmins. Periyar believed that Tamil language will make the Dravidian people unite under the banner of Tamil culture, and that it will make the Kannadigas, Andhras and the Malayalees be vigilant. With regards to a Dravidian alliance under a common umbrella language, Periyar stated that "a time will come for unity. This will go on till there is an end to the North Indian domination. We shall reclaim an independent sovereign state for us".
[77]
At the same time, Periyar was also known to have made controversial remarks on the Tamil language and people from time to time. On one occasion, he referred to the Tamil people as "barbarians" and the Tamil language as the "language of barbarians".
[80][81] However, Anita Diehl explains that Periyar made these remarks on Tamil because it had no respective feminine verbal forms.
[34]
Periyar's ideas on
Tamil alphabet reforms and his reasons were for the following such as the vowel 'ஈ' (i), having a cursive and looped representation of the short form, 'இ' (I).
[clarification needed] In
stone inscriptions from 400 or 500 years ago, many
Tamil letters are found in other shapes. As a matter of necessity and advantage to cope with printing technology, Periyar thought that it was sensible to change a few letters, reduce the number of letters, and alter a few signs. He further explained that the older and the more divine a language and its letters were said to be, the more they needed reform. Because of changes brought about by means of modern transport and international contact, and happenings that have attracted words and products from many countries, foreign words and their pronunciations have been assimilated into Tamil quite easily. Just as a few compound characters have separate signs to indicate their length as in ' கா ', ' கே ' (kA:, kE:), Periyar argued why should not other compound characters like ' கி ', ' கீ ', 'கு ', ' கூ ' (kI, ki:, kU, ku:) (indicated integrally as of now), also have separate signs. Further, changing the shape of letters, creating new symbols and adding new letters and similarly, dropping those that are redundant, were quite essential according to Periyar. Thus, the
glory and
excellence of a language and its script depend on how easily they can be understood or learned and on nothing else"
[34]
Thoughts on Thirukkural[edit]
Main article:
Thirukkural
Periyar hailed the
Thirukkural as a valuable scripture which contained many scientific and philosophical truths. He also praised the secular nature of the work. Periyar praised
Thiruvalluvar for his description of God as a formless entity with only positive attributes. He also suggested that one who reads the Thirukkural will become a
Self-respecter, absorbing knowledge in politics, society, and economics. According to him, though certain items in this ancient book of ethics may not relate to today, it permitted such changes for modern society.
[82]
On
caste, he believed that the Kural illustrates how
Vedic laws of
Manu were against the
Sudras and other communities of the Dravidian race. On the other hand, Periyar opined that the ethics from the Kural was comparable to the Christian Bible. The Dravidar Kazhagam adopted the Thirukkural and advocated that Thiruvalluvar's Kural alone was enough to educate the people of the country.
[82] One of Periyar's quotes on the Thirukkural from Veeramani's
Collected Works of Periyar was "when Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan) was a victim to Indo-Aryan deceit, Thirukkural was written by a great Dravidian Thiruvalluvar to free the Dravidians".
[82]
Self-determination of Dravida Nadu[edit]
Main article:
Dravida Nadu
The Dravidian-Aryan conflict was believed to be a continuous historical phenomenon that started when the Aryans first set their foot in the Dravidian lands. Even a decade before the idea of separation appeared, Periyar stated that, "as long as
Aryan religion, Indo-Aryan domination, propagation of Aryan
Vedasand Aryan "Varnashrama" existed, there was need for a "Dravidian Progressive Movement" and a "Self-Respect Movement".
[83] Periyar became very concerned about the growing north Indian domination over the south which appeared to him no different from foreign domination. He wanted to secure the fruits of labour of the Dravidians to the Dravidians, and lamented that fields such as political, economic, industrial, social, art, and spiritual were dominated by the north for the benefit of the north Indians. Thus, with the approach of independence from Britain, this fear that
North India would take the place of Britain to dominate
south India became more and more intense.
[84]
Periyar was clear about the concept of a separate multi-linguistic nation, comprising
Tamil,
Telugu,
Malayalam and
Kannada areas, that is roughly corresponding to the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing
protection of
minorities, including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. A separatist conference was held in June 1940 at Kanchipuram when Periyar released the map of the proposed
Dravida Nadu, but failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Periyar received sympathy and support from people such as
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and
Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on the Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress.
[83][85]
The concept of
Dravida Nadu was later modified down to Tamil Nadu
[86] This led to a proposal of a union of the Tamil people of not only
South India but including those of Ceylon as well.
[87] In 1953, Periyar helped to preserve Madras as the capital of Tamil Nadu, which later was the name he substituted for the more general Dravida Nadu.
[88] In 1955 Periyar threatened to burn the national flag, but on Chief Minister Kamaraj's pledge that Hindi should not be compulsory he postponed the action.
[34] In his speech of 1957 called
Suthantara Tamil Nadu En? (Why an independent Tamil Nadu?), he criticised the Central Government of India inducing thousands of Tamilians to burn the constitution of India. The reason for this action was that Periyar held the Government responsible for maintaining the caste system. After stating reasons for separation and turning down opinions against it he closed his speech with a "war cry" to join and burn the map of India on 5 June. Periyar was sentenced to six months imprisonment for burning the Indian constitution.
[89]
Advocacy of such a nation became illegal when
separatist demands were banned by law in 1957. Regardless of these measures, a
Dravida Nadu Separation Day was observed on 17 September 1960 resulting in numerous arrests.
[90]However, Periyar resumed his campaign in 1968. He wrote an editorial on 'Tamil Nadu for Tamilians' in which he stated, that by nationalism only Brahmins had prospered and nationalism had been developed to abolish the rights of
Tamils. He advocated that there was need to establish a
Tamil Nadu Freedom Organization and that it was necessary to work towards it.
[91]
Anti-Brahmanism vs. Anti-Brahmin[edit]
B.Shyam Sunder, EVR,Fareedi and Bhadat anand Kaushlya, 1968 at Lucknow
Periyar was a radical advocate of
anti-Brahmanism. Periyar's ideology of anti-Brahmanism is quite often confused as being anti-Brahmin.
Brahmanism is accepting social inequality based on birth. Even a non-Brahmin who supports inequality based on caste was seen as a supporter of brahmanism. Periyar called on both Brahmins and non-Brahmins to shun brahmanism.
In 1920, when the Justice Party came to power, Brahmins occupied about 70 percent
[10][92] of the high level posts in government. After reservation was introduced by the Justice Party, it reversed this trend, allowing non-Brahmins to rise in the government of the Madras Presidency.
[92] Periyar, through the Justice Party, advocated against the imbalance of the domination of Brahmins who constituted only 3 percent
[10][93] of the Population over
Government jobs,
judiciary and the Madras University.
[93] His Self-Respect Movement espoused rationalism and
atheism and the movement had currents of
anti-Brahminism.
[94] Furthermore, Periyar stated that:
"Our
Dravidian movement does not exist against the Brahmins or the Banias (a North Indian
merchant caste). If anyone thinks so, I would only pity him. But we will not tolerate the ways in which Brahminism and the Bandiaism is degrading Dravidanadu. Whatever support they may have from the government, neither myself nor my movement will be of cowardice".
[95][96]
However, at the same time, Periyar has also advocated the destruction of Brahmins.
"Only if the Brahmin is destroyed, caste will be destroyed. The Brahmin is a snake entangled in our feet. He will bite. If you take off your leg, that's all. Don't leave. Brahmin is not able to dominate because power is in the hands of the Tamilian
[97]
Periyar also criticised
Subramanya Bharathi in the journal
Ticutar for portraying Mother Tamil as a sister of Sanskrit in his poems:
"They say Bharati is an immortal poet.…Even if a rat dies in an akrakāram, they would declare it to be immortal.…All of Tamilnadu praises him. Why should this be so? Supposedly because he sang fulsome praises of Tamil and Tamilnadu. What else could he sing? His own mother tongue, Sanskrit, has been dead for years. What other language did he know? He cannot sing in Sanskrit.…He says Tamilnadu is the land of Aryas."
[98]
Comparisons with Gandhi[edit]
In the
Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924, Periyar and Gandhi both cooperated and confronted each other in
socio-political action. Periyar and his followers emphasised the difference in point of view between Gandhi and himself on the
social issues, such as fighting the Untouchability Laws and eradication of the caste system.
According to the booklet
Gandhi and Periyar Periyar wrote in his paper
Kudi Arasu, in 1925, reporting on the fact that Gandhi was ousted from the
Mahasabha, because he opposed resolutions for the maintaining of caste and Untouchability Laws which would spoil his efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. From this Gandhi learned the need of pleasing the Brahmins if anything was to be achieved.
[99]
Peiryar in his references to Gandhi used opportunities to present Gandhi as on principle serving the interests of the Brahmins. in 1927, Periyar and Gandhi met at
Bangalore to discuss this matter. The main difference between them came out when Periyar stood for the total eradication of Hinduism to which Gandhi objected saying that Hinduism is not fixed in doctrines but can be changed. In the
Kudi Arasu, Periyar explained that:
"With all his good qualities, Gandhi did not bring the people forward from foolish and evil ways. His murderer was an educated man. Therefore nobody can say this is a time of high culture. If you eat poison you will die. If electricity hits the body you will die. If you oppose the Brahmin you will die. Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of
Varnasrama Dharma structure but sees in it a task for the humanisation of society and social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi adapted Brahmins to social change without depriving them of their leadership".
[99]
Thus, Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of the Varnasrama Dharma structure but saw in it a task for the humanisation of society and
social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi accepted
karma in the sense that "the
Untouchables reap the reward of their
karma,
[99] but was against discrimination against them using the revaluing term
Harijans. As shown in the negotiations at Vaikom his methods of abolishing discrimination were: to stress on the
orthodox inhumane treatment of
Untouchables; to secure voluntary lifting of the ban by changing the hearts of caste Hindus; and to work within a Hindu framework of ideas.
[99]
On the Temple Entry issue Gandhi never advocated the opening of
Garbha Griha to
Harijans in consequence of his Hindu belief. These sources which can be labelled "pro-Periyar" with the exception of M. Mahar and D.S. Sharma, clearly show that Periyar and his followers emphasised that Periyar was the real fighter for the removal of Untouchability and the true uplift of Hairjans, whereas Gandhi was not. This did not prevent Periyar from having faith in Gandhi on certain matters.
[99]
Religion and atheism[edit]
Periyar was generally regarded as a
pragmatic propagandist who attacked the evils of religious influence on society, mainly what he regarded as Brahmin domination. At a young age, he felt that some people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and considered it as his life's mission to warn people against superstitions and priests.
[33] Anita Diehl explains that Periyar cannot be called an atheist philosopher. Periyar, however, qualified for the definition of what the term 'atheist' implies in his address on philosophy. He repudiated the term as without real sense: "…the talk of the atheist should be considered thoughtless and erroneous. The thing I call god... that makes all people equal and free, the god that does not stop free thinking and research, the god that does not ask for money, flattery and temples can certainly be an object of worship. For saying this much I have been called an atheist, a term that has no meaning". EVR Periyar a born Hindu was vehemently opposed to Hinduism and Christianity. He did not criticized Islam.
[34]
Anita Diehl explains that Periyar was against incompatibility of faith with social equality and not religion itself.
[100] In a book on revolution published in 1961, Periyar stated, "be of help to people. Do not use treachery or deceit. Speak the truth and do not cheat. That indeed is service to God".
[101]
On Hinduism, Periyar believed that it was a religion with no distinctive sacred book (bhagawad gita), or origins, but to be an imaginary faith preaching the "superiority" of the Brahmins, the inferiority of the Shudras, and the untouchability of the Dalits (Panchamas).
[46] Maria Misra, a lecturer at Oxford University, compares him to the
philosophes, by stating, "his contemptuous attitude to the baleful influence of Hinduism in Indian public life is strikingly akin to the anti-
Catholic diatribesof the
enlightenment philosophes".
[102] In 1955, Periyar was arrested for his public agitation of burning the pictures of
Ramaat public places, as a symbolic protest against the Indo-Aryan domination and
degradation of the Dravidian leadership according to the
Ramayana epic.
[103] Periyar also shoed the images of
Krishna and Rama, stating that they were Aryan gods that considered the Dravidian Shudras to be "sons of prostitutes".
[104]
Periyar openly suggested to those who were
marginalised within the Hindu
communities to consider
converting to other faiths such as
Islam, Christianity, or
Buddhism. On Islam, he stated how it was good for abolishing the disgrace in human relationship, based on one of his speeches to railway employees at
Tiruchirapalli in 1947. Periyar also commended Islam for its belief in one invisible and formless God; proclamation of equal rights for men and women; and advocating of social unity.
[105]
At the rally in Tiruchi, Periyar said:
"Muslims are following the ancient philosophies of the Dravidians. The Arabic word for Dravidian religion is Islam. When Brahmanism was imposed in this country, it was Mohammad Nabi who opposed it, by instilling the Dravidian religion's policies as Islam in the minds of the people"
[106]
Periyar viewed Christianity similar to the
monotheistic faith of Islam. He explained that their faith says that there can be only one God which has no name or shape. Periyar took an interest in Rev.
Martin Luther, where both he and his followers wanted to liken him and his role to that of the European
reformer. Thus, Christian views such as that of
Ram Mohan Roy's
The Precepts of Jesus has had at least an indirect influence on Periyar.
[107]
Apart from Islam and Christianity, Periyar also found in Buddhism a basis for his philosophy though he did not accept that religion. It was again an alternative in the search for self-respect and the object was to get
liberation from the discrimination of Hinduism.
[108] Through Periyar's movement
Temple Entry Acts of 1924, 1931, and up to 1950 were created for the non-Brahmins. Another accomplishment took place during the 1970s when Tamil replaced Sanskrit as the Temple language in Tamil Nadu, while Dalits were finally eligible for
priesthood.
[34]
Controversies[edit]
Factionism in the Justice Party[edit]
When B. Munuswamy Naidu became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency in 1930, he endorsed the inclusion of Brahmins in the Justice Party, saying:
So long as we exclude one community, we cannot as a political speak on behalf of or claim to represent all the people of our presidency. If, as we hope, provincial autonomy is given to the provinces as a result of the reforms that may be granted, it should be essential that our Federation should be in a position to claim to be a truly representative body of all communities. What objection can there be to admit such Brahmins as are willing to subscribe to the aims and objects of our Federation? It may be that the Brahmins may not join even if the ban is removed. But surely our Federation will not thereafter be open to objection on the ground that it is an exclusive organisation.
[109]
Though certain members supported the resolution, a faction in the Justice Party known as the "Ginger Group" opposed the resolution and eventually voted it down. Periyar, who was then an observer in the Justice Party, criticised Munuswamy Naidu, saying:
At a time when non-Brahmins in other parties were gradually coming over to the Justice Party, being fed up with the Brahmin's methods and ways of dealing with political questions, it was nothing short of folly to think of admitting him into the ranks of the Justice Party.
[109]
This factionism continued till 1932 when Munuswamy Naidu stepped down as the Chief Minister of Madras and the
Raja of Bobbili became the chief minister.
[109]
Followers and influence[edit]
MGR paying respects to Periyar's mortal remains
After the death of Periyar in 1973, conferences were held throughout Tamil Nadu for a week in January 1974. The same year Periyar's wife, Maniyammai (42 years younger than him), the new head of the
Dravidar Kazhagam, set fire to the
effigies of '
Rama', '
Sita' and '
Lakshmana' at Periyar Thidal, Madras. This was a retaliation to the
Ramaleelacelebrations where effigies of '
Ravana', '
Kumbakarna' and '
Indrajit' were burnt in New Delhi. For this act she was imprisoned. During the 1974 May Day meetings held at different places in Tamil Nadu, a resolution urging the Government to preserve 80 percent
[10] of jobs for
Tamils was passed. Soon after this, a camp was held at Periyar Mansion in
Tiruchirapalli to train young men and women to spread the ideals of the
Dravidar Kazhagam in rural areas.
[10]
On Periyar's Birthday of 17 September 1974, Periyar's
Rationalist Library and
Research Library and
Research Institute was opened by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi. This library contained Periyar's
rationalist works, the
manuscripts of Periyar and his recorded speeches.
[73] Also during the same year Periyar's ancestral home in Erode, was dedicated as a commemoration building. On 20 February 1977, the opening function of
Periyar Building in Madras was held. At the meeting which the Managing Committee of the
Dravidar Kazhagam held, there on that day, it was decided to support the candidates belonging to the
Janata Party, the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and the
Marxist Party during the General Elections.
[10]
On 16 March 1978, Maniyammai died. The
Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam elected
K. Veeramani as General Secretary of the
Dravidar Kazhagam on 17 March 1978. From then on, the
Periyar-Maniyammai Educational and Charitable Society started the
Periyar Centenary Women's Polytechnic at
Thanjavur on 21 September 1980. On 8 May 1982, the
College for Correspondence Education was started under the auspices of the
Periyar Rationalist Propaganda Organization.
[10]
In popular culture[edit]
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i "About Periyar: A Biographical Sketch from 1879 to 1909". Dravidar Kazhagam. Retrieved 4 January2015.
- Jump up^ Mehta, Vrajendra Raj; Thomas Pantham (2006). Political Ideas in Modern India: thematic explorations. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-7619-3420-2. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ Arora, N.D.; S.S. Awasthy (2007). Political Theory and Political Thought. Har-Anand Publications: New Delhi. p. 425. ISBN 978-81-241-1164-2. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ Thakurta, Paranjoy Guha; Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand, Sage Publications: New Delhi, p. 230.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Arooran, K. Nambi (1980). Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905–1944. p. 152.
- Jump up^ Vicuvanātan, Ī. Ca (1983). The political career of E.V. Ramasami Naidu: a study in the politics of Tamil Nadu, 1920–1949. p. 23.
- Jump up^ , a Merchant Caste of Telugu Ancestry who descended from the migrant commanders of Vijayanagar Empire
- ^ Jump up to:a b Gopalakrishnan, M.D. (1991) Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, Chennai. Emerald Publishers, p. 3.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f "One Hundred Tamils of the 20th Century – Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy". TamilNation.org. Retrieved17 January 2009.[dead link] Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; name "periyar_tamilnation" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Gopalakrishnan, periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 50 & 52.
- ^ Jump up to:a b "Biography of Periyar E.V. Ramasami (1879–1973)". Barathidasan University. Retrieved 6 September 2008. Cite error: Invalid
<ref> tag; name "BarathidasanUniversity" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Jump up to:a b Kandasamy, W.B. Vansantha; Florentin Smarandache; K. Kandasamy (2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. HEXIS: Phoenix. p. 106. ISBN 978-1-931233-00-2. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 54.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Kandasamy (1 December 2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. American Research Press. p. 109.ISBN 978-1-931233-00-2. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Pandian, J., (1987).Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity. Popular Prakashan Private Ltd.: Bombay, p. 64.
- Jump up^ Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai, p. 42.
- Jump up^ Kandasamy, (1 December 2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. American Research Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-931233-00-2. Retrieved4 January 2015.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Journal of Indian history, Volume 54, By University of Allahabad, P.175
- Jump up^ Saraswathi, S. (2004) Towards Self-Respect. Institute of South Indian Studies, p. 6.
- ^ Jump up to:a b "E V Ramasamy Naickarin Marupakkam - M Venkatesan". tamilnation.co. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "Periyar.org". periyar.org. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ Jeyaraman, B. (2013). Periyar: A Political Biography of E.V. Ramaswamy. Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd.ISBN 9788129132260. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "periyar". scribd.com. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "Tamil pride: What?s that? - Hindustan Times". hindustantimes.com. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "Business Profiles and Company Information | ZoomInfo.com". zoominfo.com. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "FABO UK + About Dr Ambedkar". ambedkar.nspire.in. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "MARXIST INDIANA: 116. E.V.Ramaswami, Periyar (1879 -1973)". radhikaranjan.blogspot.in. Retrieved 4 January2015.
- Jump up^ "E. V. Ramasamy Naicker Periyar | VIDUR's Blog". mevidur.wordpress.com. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ http://www.timeoutbengaluru.net/around-town/features/chennai
- Jump up^ "About Periyar: Revolutionary Sayings". Dravidar Kazhagam. Retrieved 30 November 2008.
- Jump up^ He has declared himself as a Kannadiga in many of his meetings. An excrept from one of his meetings: "Many people say I am not a Tamilian myself. They are saying this because my mother tongue is Telugu. Many think that I am a Telugu Nayudu. The truth is that I am a Kannadiga from the Balija Nayudu caste. "Periyar E.V.R's speeches, Dravidar Kazhakam publication, 1990, Chennai
- Jump up^ While explaining why he chose to rename the Justice Party as Dravida Kazhagam in 1944, he said in the Salem party conference "Kannappar is a Telugu, I am a Kannadiga and Annadurai is Tamil. While i am open to calling myself a Tamil, other Kannidagas won't. Thus the name "Dravida Kazhagam"."Periyar E.V.R's speeches, Dravidar Kazhakam publication, 1990, Chennai
- ^ Jump up to:a b Veeramani, K. (1992) Periyar on Women's Rights. Emerald Publishers: Madras, Introduction – xi.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 14–17.
- Jump up^ Diehl, Anita, "E.V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periyar", pp. 22–24
- Jump up^ Kent, David. "Periyar". ACA. Retrieved 21 June 2007.
- Jump up^ Ravikumar (2 March 2006). "Re-reading Periyar". Countercurrents.
- Jump up^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. pp. 77 & 78. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 4.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 19.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.69.
- Jump up^ Chatterjee, Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar, p. 40.
- Jump up^ Nalankilli, Thanjai (1 January 2003). "History: A Chronology of Anti-Hindi Agitations in Tamil Nadu and What the Future Holds". Tamil Tribune. Retrieved 13 January2003.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 118 & 119.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 88.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 88 & 89.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.79.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Pandian, Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity, p. 62.
- Jump up^ International Tamil Language Foundation, (2000).Tirukkural/ The Handbok of Tamil Culture and Heritage. ITLF: Chicago, p. 1346.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.29.
- Jump up^ Geetha, V. and S.V. Rajadurai, (1987).Towards a Non-Brahmin Millennium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. M. Sen for SAMYA: Calcutta, p. 481.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Richman, Paula (1991). The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia, Chapter 9: E. V. Ramasami's Reading of the Ramayana. University of California.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 59 & 60.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 45–49.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 511.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 504. Cite error: Invalid
<ref> tag; name "Veeramani-1.3" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- Jump up^ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 2.
- Jump up^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 70.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 22.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 37.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 65.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 50.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 41
- Jump up^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 32.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 45.
- Jump up^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 66.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 164 & 165.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.68.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 193.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 60 & 61.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.61.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 72 & 73.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 550–552.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, [January 1981](2005) Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R., Third Edition, Chennai. The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution, p. 503.
- Jump up^ Dasgupta, Shankar (1975). Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy: A Proper Perspective D.G.S. ; [with an Introd. by Avvai. Sambandan]. Vairam Pathippagam. p. 24.
- Jump up^ "Periyar's Otherside". thanthaiperiyar.org.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 505–508.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 89 & 90.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 95.
- Jump up^ Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. p. 263. ISBN 978-0-691-08895-2. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 98.
- Jump up^ Ghurye, G.S., (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot: Bombay, p. 318.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden, p.76.
- Jump up^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. p. 30. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ Bhaskaran, R., (1967). Sociology of Politics: Tradition of politics in India. Asia Publishing House: New York, p. 48.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 9.
- ^ Jump up to:a b "Superiority in Numbers". Tehelka – The People's Paper. 2006. Retrieved 6 August 2008.
- ^ Jump up to:a b "India and the Tamils" (PDF). Columbia University. 2006. Retrieved 6 September 2008.[dead link]
- Jump up^ Omvedt, Gail (2006). Dalit Visions: The Anti-caste Movement and the Construction on an Indian Identity. Orient Longman. p. 95. ISBN 978-81-250-2895-6. Retrieved4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 495.
- Jump up^ Rajasekharan, Gnana (30 April 2007). "'Periyar was against Brahminism, not Brahmins'". Rediff News. Retrieved 16 December 2008.
- Jump up^ Viduthalai. 30 July 1957.
- Jump up^ Ramaswamy, Sumathi (1997). Passions of the Tongue:Language Devotion in Tamil Nadu, 1891–1970. University of California.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. pp. 86–88. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. p. 16. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. p. 58. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ Misra, Maria, Vishnu's crowded temple, India since the great rebellion, p. 181.
- Jump up^ "About Periyar: A Biographical Sketch From 1950 to 1972". Dravidar Kazhagam. Retrieved 30 November 2008.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 218 & 219.
- Jump up^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6. p. 52. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Jump up^ More, J. B. Prashant (2004). Muslim Identity, Print Culture, and the Dravidian Factor in Tamil Nadu. Orient Blackswan. p. 164. ISBN 978-81-250-2632-7.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.92.
- Jump up^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 125.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c encyclopedia of political parties page 166 Cite error: Invalid
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- Jump up^ The Hindu (9 August 2007). "Periyar’s philosophy relevant even today: Karunanidhi". The Hindu. Retrieved17 December 2008.
- Jump up^ "Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam". Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Retrieved16 December 2008.
- Jump up^ The Hindu (8 February 2004). "POTA misuse will be main poll issue: Vaiko". The Hindu. Retrieved 17 December2008.
- Jump up^ The Hindu (19 September 2007). "Busts of Marx, Periyar, Ambedkar opened". The Hindu. Retrieved 17 December2008.
- Jump up^ Veeramani, K. (1997). "International Convention for Solidarity with Eelam Tamils of Sri Lanka, 1997 – Nothing but, Genocide". TamilNation.org. Retrieved 17 December2008.[dead link]
- Jump up^ IANS (28 July 2007). "Mayawati pursuing another dream – Periyar statue in Lucknow". DNA India. Retrieved16 December 2008.
- Jump up^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.81.
- Jump up^ Indiaglitz (25 December 2006). "'Periyar' Audio Launch". indiaglitz. Retrieved 16 December 2008.
- Jump up^ Cine South (30 December 2006). "Sathyaraj gets Periyar Award". Cine South. Retrieved 17 December 2008.
- Jump up^ www.kalaivanar.com (2009). "'Kalaivanar and his Contempraries'". www.kalaivanar.com. Retrieved 6 July2010.
- Jump up^ Ravindran, Gopalan. "Remembering Theena Muna Kana,N.S.Krishnan and the Camouflaged Narrative Devices of Tamil Political Cinema". Wide Screen Journal. Retrieved 6 July 2010.
- Jump up^ The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India. University of Chicago. 1984. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-226-73137-7.
- Jump up^ Christophe Jaffrelot (1984). India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in North India. Hurst & Co. p. 167.ISBN 978-1-85065-670-8.
- Jump up^ "Periyar premiere in Malaysia.". IndiaGlitz.com. 30 April 2007. Retrieved 28 November 2008.
- Jump up^ "Periyar and Ammuvagiya Naan at the International Film Festival.". Chennai365.com. 19 October 2007. Retrieved28 November 2008.
- Jump up^ "http://sify.com/movies/tamil/fullstory.php?id=14900379". sify.com. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
- Jump up^ "http://sify.com/movies/tamil/fullstory.php?id=14879788". sify.com. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
References[edit]
- Arora, N.D.; S.S. Awasthy, (2007). Political Theory and Political Thought. Har-Anand Publications: New Delhi. ISBN 81-241-1164-2.
- Bhaskaran, R., (1967). Sociology of Politics: Tradition of politics in India. Asia Publishing House: New York.
- Bandyopadhyaya, Sekhara, (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A history of modern India. Orient Longman: New Delhi. ISBN 978-81-250-2596-2
- Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai.ISBN 978-81-7033-860-4
- Diehl, Anita, (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naidu-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Dirks, Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton. ISBN 0-691-08895-0.
- Geetha, V.; S.V. Rajadurai, (1987). Towards a Non-Brahmin Millennium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. M. Sen for SAMYA: Calcutta, p. 481. ISBN 978-81-85604-37-4.
- Gopalakrishnan, G.P., (1991). Periyar: Father of the Tamil race. Emerald Publishers: Chennai.
- Ghurye, G.S., (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot: Bombay.
- International Tamil Language Foundation, (2000).Tirukkural/ The Handbok of Tamil Culture and Heritage. ITLF: Chicago, p. 1346.ISBN 978-0-9676212-0-3
- Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha; Florentin Smarandache; K. Kandasamy (2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. Hexis: Phoenix. ISBN 1-931233-00-4.
- Mehta, Vrajendra Raj; Thomas Pantham, (2006). Political Ideas in Modern India: thematic explorations. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks. ISBN 0-7619-3420-0.
- Misra, Maria, (2008). Vishnu's Crowded Temple: India since the great rebellion. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-13721-7
- Pandian, J., (1987).Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity. Popular Prakashan Private Ltd.: Bombay.
- Richman, Paula, (1991). Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. University of California Press: Berkeley. ISBN 0-520-07281-2.
- Saraswathi, S. (2004) Towards Self-Respect. Institute of South Indian Studies: Madras.
- Thakurta, Paranjoy Guha; Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand. Sage Publications. New Delhi. ISBN 0-7619-3237-2.
- Veeramani, Dr. K.(2005). Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R.. Third Edition. The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution: Chennai.
- Veeramani, Dr. K.(1992). Periyar on Women's Rights. Emerald Publishers: Chennai.
Further reading[edit]
- Bandistse, D.D., (2008). Humanist Thought in Contemporary India. B.R. Pub: New Delhi.
- Biswas, S.K., (1996). Pathos of Marxism in India. Orion Books: New Delhi.
- Chand, Mool, (1992). Bahujan and their Movement. Bahujan Publication Trust: New Delhi.
- Dirks, Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of mind : colonialism and the making of modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey.
- Geetha, V., (1998). Periyar, Women and an Ethic of Citizenship. Sameeksha Trust: Bombay.
- Kothandaraman, Ponnusamy, (1995). Tamil Varalarril Tantai Periyar (Tamil). Pumpolil Veliyitu: Chennai.
- Mani, Braj Ranjan, (2005). Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society. Manohar: New Delhi.
- Mission Prakashan, (2003). Second Freedom Struggle: Chandapuri’s Call to Overthrow Brahmin Rule. Mission Prakashan Patna: Bihar.
- Omvedt, Gail, (2006). Dalit Visions. Oscar Publications: New Delhi.
- Pandian, M.S.S., (2007). Brahmin and Non-Brahmin: Genealogies of the Tamil Political Present. Manohar: New Delhi.
- Ram, Dadasaheb Kanshi, (2001). How to Revive the Phule-Ambedkar-Periyar Movement in South India. Bahujan Samaj Publications: Bangalore.
- Ramasami, Periyar, [3rd edition] (1998). Declaration of War on Brahminism. Chennai.
- Ramasami, Periyar E.V., [ new ed] (1994). Periyana. Chintakara Chavadi: Bangalore.
- Ramasami, Periyar, [new ed] (1994). Religion and Society:: Selections from Periyar’s Speeches and Writings. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
- Sen, Amiya P., (2003). Social and Religious Reform: The Hindus of British India. Oxford University Press: New Delhi; New York.
- Srilata, K., (2006). Other Half of the Coconut: Women Writing Self-Respect History – an anthology of self-respect literature, 1928–1936. Oscar Publications: Delhi.
- Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2003). Talisman, Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation: Extreme emotions of Dalit Liberation. Popular Prakashan: Mumbai.
- Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2004). Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers. Popular Prakashan.
- Venugopal, P., (1990). Social Justice and Reservation. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
- Yadav, Bibhuti, (2002). Dalits in India (A set of 2 Volumes). Anmol Publications. New Delhi.
External links[edit]
